When the most privileged members of the group occupy most of the leadership positions and are heard most frequently (as is and was the case in all of the previous examples) the overall direction of the group tends to reflect their specific needs. Entering the group as a member outside of that privileged elite can be both personally and politically daunting. Ann Cvetkovich addresses this in her piece "AIDS Activism and Public Feelings: Documenting ACT UP's Lesbians". She quotes the activist Tracy Morgan as saying, "but I think the women in ACT UP, who were there from the start, must have trusted men politically in a way that I didn't." The sidelining and erasure of women and people of color in ACT UP did not only occur within the movement, but also followed the movement, manifesting themselves in its perceived legacy 20 years later. The contributions of lesbians and POC to ACT UP remain routinely ignored both in positive representations and in critiques of the movement.
Direct action as a political tactic relies on a certain leniency on the part of authority motivated by racial bias; it favors white activists who are less likely to face severe penalties due to lawbreaking or political disobedience. It also often relies on its participants being seen as nonviolent, which creates problems in a society where social nonconformity by nonwhite actors is seen as inherently violent. In comparison to a group of white actors, a group of black or arab men storming a government building carries an highly racially charged set of cultural connotations, regardless of their political or social aim.
The fact that direct action is currently seen as the ultimate or most desirable form of social protest by social justice activists reflects this racial bias. Those forms of political protest most accessible to white activists become valorized, even when similar forms of protest by nonwhite activists (such as the early activities of the Black Panthers) are seen as overly radical or even militant. The
No comments:
Post a Comment